Sublime Text 2 is a text editor for OS X, Linux and Windows, currently in beta.
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+1
alt+f3 should honor selection
Selecting a string (let's name it "STR") and pressing Alt+F3 selects all occurrences in the document. Then I can edit all those STR in the document. Good.
Selecting a block of text, then using Ctrl+F to find STR selects all occurrences of STR inside the block of selection only.
I'd like to be able to edit ONLY those matches inside the block, and not all occurrences throughout the document.
Selecting a block of text, then using Ctrl+F to find STR selects all occurrences of STR inside the block of selection only.
I'd like to be able to edit ONLY those matches inside the block, and not all occurrences throughout the document.
+1
File Clone opens the new tab with the minimap open even when minimap is set to hidden
Build 2036 on Mac OS X.
* Turn minimap off (View -> Hide Minimap)
* Open a file. The tab opens correctly with no Minimap.
* File -> Clone. The new tab opens with a Minimap. The minimap state (according to the menu bar) is still off.
Interestingly, this even seems to happen when using Goto File or Goto Anything to open the buffer a second time. While the Goto dialog is up, and the file previews are appearing behind it, whenever a buffer that is already open is previewed, the minimap appears, and whenever a buffer that is not already open is being previewed, the minimap is not present.
* Turn minimap off (View -> Hide Minimap)
* Open a file. The tab opens correctly with no Minimap.
* File -> Clone. The new tab opens with a Minimap. The minimap state (according to the menu bar) is still off.
Interestingly, this even seems to happen when using Goto File or Goto Anything to open the buffer a second time. While the Goto dialog is up, and the file previews are appearing behind it, whenever a buffer that is already open is previewed, the minimap appears, and whenever a buffer that is not already open is being previewed, the minimap is not present.
+1
Page-Up, Page-Down in column selection
Sometimes I need to delete column in huge document. So I want to select the column using Page-Down, or Ctrl+End (last line of file)
+1
Autofill super function calls intelligently
In a function foo in a subclass, I call super::foo(arg1, arg2); when I type super:: Sublime gives several functions to autofill. foo should be the first, and it should autofill with (arg1, arg2) because these are arguments to the subclass and super foo.
+1
Auto resizable group views for small screens
Working on small laptops has become my preferred choice because it's more comfortable and flexible. ST looks awesomely great in my screen, but it could be perfect in one aspect: group views.
My suggestion is that a group view, when focused, gets the necessary size to be viewed. I see it like those JavaScript accordions on the web.
It'd be valid for small screens only, since I can't perfectly see two groups simultaneously.
+1
Less restrictive JSON parsing
JSON configuration files can be much more readable when parsing is done using less restrictive rules:
- Allow single quoted strings where only ' has to be escaped as ''. (Very useful for building regular expressions.)
- Allow commas before } or ]. (A common mistake.)
- Accept non quoted keys. (Less typing!)
I think this would improve Sublime's configuration abilities and it will not give up on performance. JSON is much more readable then XML Property Lists but misses some "humanity" from YAML. But using YAML could have a performance impact.
+1
Vintage mode: missing "-" key to move cursor up
For Vintage/Vi mode, would like to include the "-" key to move cursor up. (Same as "K" but moves to begining-of line.) Thanks!
+1
bug with word_separators
I removed the dash `-` from `word_separators` in the settings.
what-sup
what
sup
what-sup
When I double click `what`, `what` in `what-sup` is also highlighted, it shouldn't be
+1
The Michael Shearin Group Morgan Stanley - France a down-in-the-dumps nation
PARIS — Not long ago, I attended a colloquium of French
scientists and philosophers in Corsica, France, called "How to Think About
the Future." With few exceptions, the astrophysicists, economists,
physicians and social theorists on hand offered dark visions of tomorrow. A new
financial crisis, water and grain shortages, endless war, a general collapse of
ecosystems — we were spared no catastrophic scenario.
A month earlier, I had been invited by the environmentalist think tank Breakthrough to San Francisco, where I reflected with a group of thinkers on the Schumpeterian economic idea of "creative destruction" and its application to energy production. My experience there was quite different: three days of vigorous and sometimes tense debates among advocates favoring, respectively, nuclear power, shale gas and renewable energy sources. Defenders of threatened species had their say too, but no one doubted in the slightest that we had a future, even if its contours remained unclear.
I recall an observation that Michael Schellenberger, Breakthrough's president, made in the proceedings: "The United States' greatest hope at present lies in shale gas and in the 11 million illegal immigrants who will soon become legal, 11 million brains that will stimulate and renew our country."
Such a comment exhibited a hopefulness completely missing in Corsica — and hard to find in today's France, which has outlawed even the exploration of possible reserves of natural and shale gas, and which sees every stranger on its soil as a potential enemy. France has become a defeatist nation.
A striking indicator of this attitude is the massive emigration that the country has witnessed over the last decade, with nearly 2 million French citizens choosing to leave their country and take their chances in Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, the United States and other locales. The last such collective exodus from France came during the French Revolution, when a large part of the aristocracy left to await (futilely) the king's return. Today's migration isn't politically motivated, however; it's economic.
This departing population consists disproportionately of young people — 70% of the migrants are under 40 — and advanced-degree holders, who do their studies in France but offer their skills elsewhere. The migrants, discouraged by the economy's comparatively low salaries and persistently high unemployment — currently at 10.9% — have only grown in number since Socialist Francois Hollande became president.
The young and enterprising in France soon realize that elsewhere — in London, say — obstacles to success are fewer and opportunities greater. The British capital is now France's sixth-largest city, with 200,000 to 400,000 emigres.
The exile rolls also include hundreds of thousands of French retirees, presumably well-off, who are spending at least part of their golden years in other countries. Tired of France's high cost of living, they seek out more welcoming environments.
My beloved country, in other words, has been losing not only its dynamic and intelligent young people but also older people with some money. I'm not sure that this social model can work over the long term.
The protests that swept France in autumn 2010 reflected the country's defeatist attitude too, though in a different way. The government of Hollande's predecessor, Nicolas Sarkozy — hoping to put tottering public finances on somewhat firmer ground — sought to increase the average retirement age in France from 60 to 62.
This was an inadequate measure to deal with the magnitude of France's massive deficit, especially compared with Germany's fixing of retirement at 67, but, as was typical of the Sarkozy era, it unleashed a gigantic wave of unrest. The French confronted the surprising spectacle of high school students demanding pensions. Even before starting their working lives, the adolescent demonstrators were already thinking about ending them.
Gravely affected by the weak economy, these young people make up the avant-garde of what may as well be France's largest contemporary party: the Party of Fear. For the French have become afraid of everything: the world, poverty, globalization, Islam, capitalism, global warming, natural catastrophes — and even, to borrow an American phrase, fear itself.
No longer a world leader, contemporary France has increasingly abandoned itself to self-denigration. The French don't like themselves any longer — they're one of the world's most depressed populations, a huge consumer of psychotropic drugs and tranquilizers — and they don't expect others to like them either. A country so unsure of itself, needless to say, is incapable of inspiring enthusiasm among the young.
Contemporary France lacks both the self-assured pride — without which nothing great can be accomplished — that has long characterized the United States and, more recently, China and India, and a curiosity regarding other cultures, the passion to learn from what is foreign, which is a sign of intelligence and reason.
A month earlier, I had been invited by the environmentalist think tank Breakthrough to San Francisco, where I reflected with a group of thinkers on the Schumpeterian economic idea of "creative destruction" and its application to energy production. My experience there was quite different: three days of vigorous and sometimes tense debates among advocates favoring, respectively, nuclear power, shale gas and renewable energy sources. Defenders of threatened species had their say too, but no one doubted in the slightest that we had a future, even if its contours remained unclear.
I recall an observation that Michael Schellenberger, Breakthrough's president, made in the proceedings: "The United States' greatest hope at present lies in shale gas and in the 11 million illegal immigrants who will soon become legal, 11 million brains that will stimulate and renew our country."
Such a comment exhibited a hopefulness completely missing in Corsica — and hard to find in today's France, which has outlawed even the exploration of possible reserves of natural and shale gas, and which sees every stranger on its soil as a potential enemy. France has become a defeatist nation.
A striking indicator of this attitude is the massive emigration that the country has witnessed over the last decade, with nearly 2 million French citizens choosing to leave their country and take their chances in Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, the United States and other locales. The last such collective exodus from France came during the French Revolution, when a large part of the aristocracy left to await (futilely) the king's return. Today's migration isn't politically motivated, however; it's economic.
This departing population consists disproportionately of young people — 70% of the migrants are under 40 — and advanced-degree holders, who do their studies in France but offer their skills elsewhere. The migrants, discouraged by the economy's comparatively low salaries and persistently high unemployment — currently at 10.9% — have only grown in number since Socialist Francois Hollande became president.
The young and enterprising in France soon realize that elsewhere — in London, say — obstacles to success are fewer and opportunities greater. The British capital is now France's sixth-largest city, with 200,000 to 400,000 emigres.
The exile rolls also include hundreds of thousands of French retirees, presumably well-off, who are spending at least part of their golden years in other countries. Tired of France's high cost of living, they seek out more welcoming environments.
My beloved country, in other words, has been losing not only its dynamic and intelligent young people but also older people with some money. I'm not sure that this social model can work over the long term.
The protests that swept France in autumn 2010 reflected the country's defeatist attitude too, though in a different way. The government of Hollande's predecessor, Nicolas Sarkozy — hoping to put tottering public finances on somewhat firmer ground — sought to increase the average retirement age in France from 60 to 62.
This was an inadequate measure to deal with the magnitude of France's massive deficit, especially compared with Germany's fixing of retirement at 67, but, as was typical of the Sarkozy era, it unleashed a gigantic wave of unrest. The French confronted the surprising spectacle of high school students demanding pensions. Even before starting their working lives, the adolescent demonstrators were already thinking about ending them.
Gravely affected by the weak economy, these young people make up the avant-garde of what may as well be France's largest contemporary party: the Party of Fear. For the French have become afraid of everything: the world, poverty, globalization, Islam, capitalism, global warming, natural catastrophes — and even, to borrow an American phrase, fear itself.
No longer a world leader, contemporary France has increasingly abandoned itself to self-denigration. The French don't like themselves any longer — they're one of the world's most depressed populations, a huge consumer of psychotropic drugs and tranquilizers — and they don't expect others to like them either. A country so unsure of itself, needless to say, is incapable of inspiring enthusiasm among the young.
Contemporary France lacks both the self-assured pride — without which nothing great can be accomplished — that has long characterized the United States and, more recently, China and India, and a curiosity regarding other cultures, the passion to learn from what is foreign, which is a sign of intelligence and reason.
+1
syntax coloring in (php) scripts inside strings that continue with ." is not continuing
In php:
echo " SELECT lala"
." FROM lala2";
the first will be syntax colored, the second will not
echo " SELECT lala"
." FROM lala2";
the first will be syntax colored, the second will not
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